The Filipino Reaction to American Rule

On the eve of American occupation, the Philippines were at the time in a stage of fighting for independence and/or reforms. The Filipinos at that time were divided into different motives: the elites only wanted reforms and had no clamor for real independence, and later sided with the Americans first before obtaining autonomy; on the other hand, the common Filipino masses wanted immediate independence.

The book is viewed from a Filipino perception, focused on how the Filipino elite’s reception and reaction to the American rule, its policies and institutions during 1901-1913, which is also called as the Taft Era or Taft Regime. This era earned its name because William Howard Taft was its president from 1901-1903, the civil governor from 1901-1903, Secretary of War exercising general supervision over the Philippines, and finally president of the United States from 1904-1908, sharing with Congress the ultimate responsibility for the adoption of policy, and carrying sole responsibilities for the implementation of that policy, from 1909-1913. (Page 2, Introduction)

If we come to think of it keenly, it is true that the American colonial regime’s policy is very different from the Spanish rule for these reasons: (1) because of the spirit of American institutions themselves, and (2) because Philippine society before the American impact was different from the societies upon which Spanish powers imposed their rule.

CHAPTER 2

THE PHILIPPINES ON THE EVE OF THE AMERICAN OCCUPATION

This chapter presents a summary of the revolution, the propaganda movement in the Philippines. 

It is very important to note that Spain had been in continuous occupation of the Philippines since 1565, and the Filipinos had been Hispanized according to the degree of their exposure to Spanish institutions. Suffice it to say that the Philippine revolution was not merely a movement to overthrow Spanish rule but was also a social movement aimed at transforming the Philippine society. This means that the Philippine Revolution was an instrument of institutional change.

A clear description on the eve of the American occupation to the Philippines is essential for the study of the Filipino reaction to American occupation.

During the Spanish regime in the Philippines in the 16^th century, the Philippines already had a distinct form of political organization, the barangay. It’s the political government based on kinship, varying in size from 30 to 100 families, and governed hereditary datu. The Spanish regime didn’t destroy this political system, but instead enhanced it and made it the basis of village government. As a matter of fact, the datu became cabeza de barangay (village headman) and served as the mediator between the Spanish political and religious authorities and the local people.

Number of barangays constituted a pueblo or town. In appearance, the town government was in the hands of the Filipinos. In fact, the gobernadorcillo (petty governor) was a Filipino chosen by an electoral board drawn from the principalia (body of prominent or elite residents of the town). This consisted of active and former cabezas de barangay and previous office holders. In short, Filipino participation of the government stopped at the municipal or town level.

A group of towns formed a province, which was under a civil-governor, who earlier carried the title of alcalde-mayor. Appointed by the governor-general of the Philippines, the alcalde-mayor was only an agent of the central government.

The formulation of laws for the country was the prerogative of the Spanish government and their applicability to the Philippines was determined by the gobernador heneral.

POLITICAL STRUCTURE OF THE PHILIPPINES AS A COLONY OF SPAIN

Pre-Spanish customary law and procedure weren’t totally swept aside. However, Spanish legal procedures were introduced. For example, toward the end of the Spanish occupation, a judicial machinery was established: a territorial supreme court in Manila, two superior courts in Cebu and Vigan, courts of first instance in each province including Manila, and justices of the peace courts in each municipality.

Unlike today’s society, the Church and the State during the Spanish regime in the country were united, that is to say, there’s no separation between the state and the church back then. In fact, the state provides financial and other forms of support to the Catholic Church. In addition, the governor general which acted as the Vice Royal Patron, meddled in church affairs and in turn, church bureaucracy performed political functions at all levels of civil administration. In fact, the ecclesiastical bureaucrats have been regarded as the “real vital organs of the Philippine government system” under Spain.

In my humble opinion, this may be the reason why the Catholic Church today and even a few decades ago, still hold opinions and other similar policies regarding issues and concerns concerning the state. One big example was the influence of Cardinal Sin during the first EDSA People Power Revolution. Indeed, the influence of the Church to the State affairs is somehow evident.

The political system introduced by Spanish authorities was perhaps appropriate and desirable for the first century of Spanish rule in the Philippines, but in its continuance, it became oppressive and repressive and this leads to the revolution.

The Roman Catholic Church is one of the most important social institutions back then. An outstanding feature of the church was the role played by the regular clergy—particularly the Dominicans, Augustinians, Franciscans, Recollects, and Jesuits—in political organization and activities.

There was an attempt to replace friars with secular priests, also known as “secularization.” In the latter part of the nineteenth century however, the church had already abandoned the policy of secularization, in fact, a counter-secularization policy or despoliation was applied. This may be instigated by the friars themselves. True to speak, the Spanish government came to rely increasingly on the church organization (specifically the friars) to govern the Filipinos as its own bureaucracy grow more efficient and corrupt.

 Aside from their political instigations, the friars also played roles in economic force, owning huge areas of lands in the Philippines. Most of these friars were the Dominicans, Augustinians, and Recollects.

In the educational field, the friars were also prominent. Parochial schools in which they established were forerunners of public primary school system under Spain, established secondary institutes, colleges and the University of Santo Tomas. They determined the content of the curriculum and later supervised primary schools.

Social Stratification

          The Philippine society during the Spanish regime actually consisted of the Chinese, the Spanish, and the Filipinos. Peninsulares refers to European-born Spaniards; Insulares refers to Philippine-born Spaniards; and the Spanish mestizos are born to Spanish-Filipino parents. Rich merchants and plantation managers formed a small middle class, and lower ranking government officials. In short, the Spaniards and Spanish mestizos belonged to the upper stratum of Philippine society as a whole because they are the colonial masters and enjoyed vast economic and political power.

            On the other hand, the Filipino society had its own aristocracy, made up of the caciques and the more opulent and highly educated ilustrados (ilustrados applied to highly educated and professional Filipinos, belonging to the upper class because most of them were coming from well-to-do families who can afford a university education in Manila and even Europe). Caciques were the datus of the various barangays in the Philippines who were tax-gatherers, administrators of justice in their localities, and the intermediaries between their people and Spanish authorities.

Taxation and Tariff Relations with Spain

            There were four main types of internal taxes:

1.    The cedulas, personales, or capitation tax

2.    Documentary stamp taxes

3.    Urbana tax, or tax on rentals of urban property

4.    Industria tax, consisting of commercial, corporation, occupation, professional and income taxes.

There were no real estate or land taxes (truly unfair because friars weren’t obliged to pay taxes). Thus, those who were in their position to pay better taxes were exempted to pay the tax. In the case of industria tax, commercial establishments in the same line of business paid the same amount of tax, regardless of the volume of sales or net profits.

THE HERITAGE OF REVOLUTION

            As the Spaniards monopolized the political and ecclesiastical power over the Philippines, the ilustrados’ clamor for greater political power and reformation arose. Contrary to the Katipunan’s aim, the ilustrados doesn’t want complete freedom from the Spanish regime, instead, they proposed to accomplish their programs and aspirations within the framework of the Spanish regime: extension of a more liberal regime (as assimilated by the ideals of Governor Carlos Maria dela Torre) and government institutions, a more efficient, honest administration, more and better schools, and “the speedy replacement of the friars by the Filipino priests.”

            Unfortunately for the propagandists, the Spanish government remained impervious to their demands and so they failed.

            The Katipuneros emerged and so the “revolt of the masses” began. The Philippine Revolution passed through two phases: the first phase started in August 1896 and was terminated in December 1897 by the Pact of Biyak-na-Bato, and the second phase started in the early months of 1898 and ended as an armed resistance against the imposition of American sovereignty over the Philippines.

            As far as the Filipinos are concerned, the most important change was the liberation of the country from Spain and the establishment of the Malolos Republic of 1899.

           In the first phase of the revolution, the ilustrados didn’t support the movement. However, it was different in the case of the second phase. Thanks to Admiral George Dewey, the Filipinos had more arms and weapons for war. Ironically, Spaniards themselves were responsible for providing more weapons. In fact, they had paid P400,000 to General Aguinaldo in December 1897, and the money was used to procure arms.

            One of the changes brought about by the revolution was the removal of the friars from their positions of power. The revolutionary government treated friars within their territories as prisoners of war (POW), and thus, the Revolutionary Government was able to show their desire to keep the Filipino priests on its side and to take over the friar lands.

            The revolutionary government also encouraged and assisted in the establishment of the National Church, which was conceived by Apolinario Mabini as early as October 1898.

            On October 23, 1899, 27 Filipino priests led by Father Gregorio Aglipay assembled at Paniqui, Tarlac and adopted the constitution of the National Church. This National Church was a direct precursor of the Philippine Independent Church.

            One important legacy of the revolution remains to be noted: the steps taken in the field of education. The revolutionary government continued more or less the same system of education in effect before the revolution, however, the role of the Spanish friar was gone.

Filipino Aspirations

          The goals were expressed in writings, constitutional programs, and their testimonies as recorded by their American interlocutors. Filipino aspirations were concerned primarily with individual freedoms, the relation of individuals in society to their political institutions, the proper functions of government, the limits of governmental authority in a free society.  These aspirations for independence had a decisive influence upon the policy of the United States.

CHAPTER 3

THE BIRTH OF AMERICAN POLICY TOWARD THE PHILIPPINES

            The outbreak of the Filipino-American War on February 4, 1899, was the immediate Filipino response to the American decision to acquire the Philippines. It was the response of the people desiring recognition as a nation. The direct aftermath of this war was smoldering Filipino distrust of the Americans, and thus, it became the objective of American policy to prevent such an eruption of violence.

            The American decision to acquire the Philippines completely shattered the Filipinos’ faith and confidence of the United States. Other actions that led Filipinos to suspect the Americans were as follows: Dewey’s failure to attend or send a representative to the proclamation of Philippine Independence on June 12, 1898, and the refusal of the American military commanders to address General Emilio Aguinaldo as the President of the Revolutionary Government. But most important of all, the Filipinos had been prevented from participating in the “battle” of Manila on August 13, 1898.

            President William McKinley declared the benevolent assimilation for the Philippines. He sent the First Philippine Commission or the Schurmann Commission and instructed to determine what improvements in the condition of the Filipinos and in the public order might be adopted, and make recommendations for the “perfection of present administration.”

            Filipinos on the other hand, cared not for the benevolent assimilation because they wanted to be left alone.

            As fighting went on, the United States now came out with more proclamations of intentions, and so, the Hay Plan was offered, with a Philippine government to consist of a Governor-general appointed by the President; cabinet appointed by the Governor-General; a general advisory council elected by the people; and the governor-general to have absolute veto. Judiciary strong and independent, principal judges to be chosen from natives or Americans, or both, having regard for fitness.

            The Schurmann Commission recommended that the military government should be replaced by one staffed with civilians. Part of their government for proposing the change was that military rule was incompatible with the Filipinos’ desire for local home rule.

The Second, of Taft, Philippine Commission was instructed to establish civil municipal and provincial governments, and to perform the legislative and some minor executive functions of the military governor. Taft viewed that the vast majority of the Filipinos weren’t opposed to the United States at all. He concluded that “Filipinos would welcome the civil authorities.”

            Thus, a civil government was imposed to the Philippines through the able recommendations by Elihu Root, and whose recommendations were the basis for the “Spooner Amendment.” Root became the Civil Governor of the Philippines effective July 4, 1901, and by July 4 the next year, he issued an order placing the entire Philippines except the Moro provinces under the civil government.

            The replacement of the military government was an effort to reconcile Filipinos to the American sovereignty as rapidly as possible.

            The constitutional basis of the Philippine policy of the United States during the Taft Era (1901-1913) was laid down in the Philippine Organic Act of July 1, 1902, otherwise known as the Philippine Bill.

            The Letter of Instructions to the Taft Commission has long been hailed as a landmark in the history of tropical colonization as “a model of constructive statesmanship,” “the most important single document in American colonial history.”

            Taft also advocated for a Philippine Assembly, and so, the Philippine Bill, with the provision for the Philippine Assembly, was passed by the House of Representatives, but in the Senate, the Philippine Assembly was dropped. This agitated the Filipinos as expressed in a letter by the then Civil Governor Luke E. Wright. As a result, Taft wrote another letter to the War Secretary, Lodge. Thus, the Philippine Bill eventually passed the Senate, but it contained the stipulation that the Assembly could be organized—not in 1904, as the commission recommended—but only 2 years following the publication of the census, and then only if peace had reigned throughout the Philippines during two years. This assembly did not materialize until 1907.

            It’s important to point out that Taft’s recommendation also included that the Filipinos be represented in the House of Congress, and thus 2 resident commissioners represented the Filipinos to the House of Congress although they didn’t enjoy voting privileges.

            The grant of Filipino concessions as a means of ending Filipino opposition and reconciling the Filipinos to the American rule was accompanied by the far-reaching decision to secure the withdrawal of the friars from the Philippines and to purchase their lands. So to speak, America’s anti-friar and religious policy, was in a way as decisive as the political concessions in tempering Filipino reaction to American annexation and in reconciling the Filipinos to the Americans.

            In summary, the series of events that took place (in a Filipino perspective) were a convincing proof to the Filipino elite that the United States meant to convince the Filipinos that their aspirations would be realized within the framework of American sovereignty.

CHAPTER 4

THE FILIPINOS AND AMERICAN POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS

         

          The American civilization made its greatest impact upon the Philippine institutions from 1901 to 1913.

The propaganda movement and the Philippine Revolution had already started to change some features of Philippine life before the advent of American rule. Exhausted as a result of war against Spain and even more costly against the Americans, Filipinos were hardly in a position to reject forcefully the American program for political, social, and economic reconstruction of the country. The period 1901-1913 was the period during which the United States exercised the strongest control over the policy, administration, and public instruction in the Philippines.

American administrators during this early period of American rule, as well as American teachers (Thomasites) leading private groups and individuals, such as churches and missionaries, were imbued with Americanizing mission that was certainly less conspicuous among the personnel of the succeeding administration of Francis Burton Harrison.  This “Americanizing” mission was buttressed by a policy which didn’t consider the possibility of Philippine independence until Filipinos had gone through a long period of apprenticeship in the methods of operating a democratic and efficient government.

It is important to note that American policy emphasized more than anything the political development of the Philippines. This was due to several reasons:

1.    The political development of the Philippines toward self-government was the most important aspiration of the Filipinos, particularly the elites, whose cooperation was essential to the success of American regime.

2.    It would have been highly inconsistent with the American political tradition had the United States not announced that the paramount aim of her policy was to prepare the Filipinos for self-governance.

However, it must be pointed out that the American annexation of the Philippines did not have the endorsement of the entire American people.  For some of them, colonies didn’t constitute a real national interest, unlike the case of European colonial powers. In order to disarm the critics of his policy, then President McKinley had to enunciate a policy with the tutelage of the Filipinos at its focal point.

Municipal elections took place but the right to vote was only accorded to males who were at least 23 years old, had held municipal offices before August 23, 1898, were literate in either English or Spanish, and who either owned real property valued at two hundred fifty dollars or at least paid an annual tax of fifteen dollars.

Although positions were accorded to the Filipinos, it’s important to point out that they only had limited role played in the provincial government, and thus, the lack of provincial autonomy.

Three important observations on the system of local governments during the Taft Era:

1.    The political subdivisions, or administrative units, that had existed under Spanish rule were retained; Americans introduced nothing new.

2.    Americans had failed to remedy a fundamental weakness of local governments of the Philippines that was a carryover from Spanish times.

3.    The Filipino elite became the immediate beneficiaries of the system of local governments.

The Philippine Assembly was perhaps the most important single political novelty introduced by the United States to the Philippines. It was the matrix from which real Philippine autonomy evolved and helped the national leaders like Sergio Osmena and Quezon. Because its members were from diverse backgrounds and parts of the Philippines, in the halls of the Manila ayuntamiento, where Assembly’s sessions were held, members of the Filipino elite came face to face to deliberate freely.

The 80 popularly elected members of the Assembly were apportioned among the 34 regularly organized provinces in 1907 on the basis of population, but each province was entitled to at least one assemblyman (diputado), regardless the size of its population. Under the Philippine Bill, members of the assembly held office for two years, and was later extended to four years by a law passed by the United States Congress on February 5, 1911. The assembly held annual sessions which lasted for nine days excluding Sundays and holidays. They conducted their proceedings on Spanish and its journal was therefore kept in that language.

We can assume that only those who belonged to the upper class, who had ample educational background or previous experience, could hope to be elected to the Assembly. The Philippine Assembly, whose members were elected by at most only 3 percent of the population could hardly be considered truly representative.

The Americans retained basic units of the Spanish judicial system in the Philippines: justices of the peace courts, courts of first instance, and the Supreme Court. They introduced a new type of court, the Court of Land Registration. It should also be noted that one of the greatest concessions to reality was the adoption of Spanish as the official language of the courts.

The Supreme Court of the Philippines during the Military Regime was composed of 6 Filipinos including the chief justice and 3 Americans. The Philippine Commission reorganized the court reducing it to 7 and appointed 4 Americans and 3 Filipinos including the Chief Justice.

CHAPTER FIVE

THE FILIPINOS AND AMERICAN EDUCATIONAL POLICIES AND INSTITUTIONS

Public education is considered by the Americans second in importance only to the political development of the Filipinos; as a matter of fact, it was regarded as the handmaiden of political progress. They established public primary schools in almost every Philippine barrio, intermediate schools in the principal barrios or poblaciones of municipalities and at least one secondary school in each province. In retrospect, the American education system is secular, not religious.

The Faribault Plan was adopted under Section 16 of the Educational Act, that reads, “No teacher or other person shall teach or criticize the doctrines of any Church, religious sect, or denomination, or shall attempt to influence the pupils for or against any church or religious sect in any public school.”

English was then introduced to public schools. It I in this light that most Filipinos back then, especially the elites had English education. On February 27, 1908, the Philippine Assembly passed the Bill No. 148, which provided that instruction in the public primary, or elementary schools should be given in the language or dialect of that province or region. But the Philippine Commission unanimously rejected that bill on the basis that it proposed a drastic alteration of the whole scheme of public instruction in the Philippines, and it would create unnecessary confusion, waste, and others.

American teachers were also rampant around the country. Like the rest of their fellow countrymen, the Filipino teachers welcome the American teachers warmly. The training of public school teachers was only part of the program to enable Filipinos to acquire higher education and professional courses in English. More far-reaching were:

1.    The pensionado program, or the sending of government scholars to study in the United States

2.     The creation of the University of the Philippines. 

CHAPTER 6

RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENTS DURING THE TAFT ERA

Strictly speaking, there was no religious policy originally imposed by the Americans. However, conditions in the Philippines at the time of the annexation forced the United States to adopt what amounted to a religious policy. Thus, because of Filipino antipathy towards the friars, both Schurmann and Taft Commissions were compelled to recommend their expulsion from the Philippines.

American policy led directly to the introduction of Protestantism and contributed indirectly to the early success of the Aglipayan Movement. The rise of Aglipayanism compelled the United States to step right in the middle of controversies involving ownership of religious property.

The Iglesia Filipina Independiente (Philippine Independent Church), or Aglipayan Church (Schism or Movement) emerged (started by Father Gregorio Aglipay y Labayan). It developed from the resentment of Filipino clergy against the Spanish Government and the Catholic Church for failing to carryout faithfully the secularization of the parishes, i.e., to replace the regular clergy with the secular clergy as parish priests of the church.

            The birth of the IFI was received with great enthusiasm by a substantial number of Filipinos-the actual number of Aglipayans before 1907 was probably not far from 3,000,000; 1,500,000 in 1918; and a lower number of adherents in the following years, mainly because the Supreme Court favored the Roman Catholic Church on the disputed ownership of religious properties.

The Spread of Protestantism

            With American rule, came Protestantism. In May 1899, the Presbyterians established the first permanent Protestant mission in Iloilo, followed by the Methodists and Baptists in 1900, United Brethren and Disciples of Christ, and Episcopalians and many others.

            After 18 years of evangelical works however, the Protestants only converted 124, 575 Filipinos or 1.3% of the total population. The small number of Protestant adherents can be explained below, as pointed by Laubach:

1.    Violence, including murder and the threat of violence against Protestant converts

2.    Ostracism of those who chose the new faith, even by members of one’s family

3.    Obscrantism, by Spanish rulers

4.    Overbearing attitude of low-class Americans in the provinces

5.    Attitude of Filipinos towards independence

Islam Under the American Rule

            At the time of the American occupation, there were about 150,000 Muslims and were concentrated mostly in Sulu and southern and central Mindanao. Their basic political institution was the clan or kinship group, which was governed by a datu. This evolved to a more elaborate political organization—the sultanate—embracing several clans, or barangays governed by a rajah or sultan.

            Spanish power in the Philippines was strongest in Luzon and Visayas and was least effective and unpredictable in Sulu and Mindanao and such was the situation with the Muslims on the eve of American occupation.

            Like elsewhere in the Philippines, a military government was at first established over Mindanao and Sulu.

            In summary, we can conclude therefore that the impact of American institutions upon Moro life during the Taft Era (1901-1913) must have been very slight.

CHAPTER 7

THE FILIPINOS AND AMERICAN ECONOMIC POLICY

In this chapter, we gain the idea that American economic policy in the Philippines is characterized by introducing American methods of free enterprise and business, enacting legislation thought to be conducive to such development, and instituting certain practices such as homesteads and Torrens titles.

Tariff Policy

It is very important to note that the United States acquired the Philippines mainly in the interest of trade expansion, and its tariff policy was shaped accordingly. Because of the decision of the Supreme Court by declaring that Congress had the power to incorporate or not to incorporate Philippines and Puerto Rico within the American tariff wall; it gave an advantage to the United States to frame a tariff policy in the Philippine government. The Filipino elite did not favor the free trade relations; Salamanca in this book then elaborated the reasons:

1.    It would be extremely adverse to the economic interest of the Filipino People

2.    Free trade would delay the attainment of Philippine independence

3.    It would result in a loss of revenue

Furthermore, Filipino resistance to internal taxation especially to land tax is also address in this chapter. There was also the attempt to enable landowners to obtain title to their real estate in the agrarian policy but Filipinos did not respond eagerly to the efforts of the Americans to give them the most valid proof of real estate due to the whole novelty of the whole endeavor.

     

The Filipinos and Free Trade

The Curtis Bill was introduced in January 1905, providing for a 75% reduction on the Dingley Tariff on Philippine sugar and tobacco and for the free entry of all other goods wholly in the Philippines. In the same year, Congressman Sereno Payne, introduced another bill providing for similar concessions as well as for reciprocal free trade after April 11, 1909, the expiration date of the provision of the Treaty of Paris, granting Spanish products the same treatment as American goods entering the Philippines. Neither of these house measures however, were enacted.

The Payne Bill is important because it made a substantial reduction of duties in Philippine sugar and tobacco and the abolition of such duties at a later time.

On August 5, 1909, Payne-Aldrich Tariff Act was enacted. This act regulated the trade relations between the Philippines and the United States during the remainder of the American Regime. Its provisions can be summarized as follows:

1.    All products and manufactures of the United States, except rice, were free of duty to the Philippines

2.    All Philippine products shipped to the United States under similar conditions, except rice, were to be admitted duty-free, with the provision that any amounts in excess of the following were to be charged the full tariff rates:

a.   300,000 gross tons of sugar

b.   300,000 pounds of wrapper tobacco and filler tobacco with more than 15% filler tobacco

c.    1,000,000 pounds of filler tobacco

d.   150,000,000 cigars

Thus, the Filipino elite opposed the establishment of free trade relations, because “it would, in the long run, be highly detrimental to the economic interests of the Filipino people, powerful economic interests alone would benefit from free trade, and that large companies from America might eventually control Philippine commerce, industry and especially, agriculture.” In addition. The elite also argued that free trade would delay the attainment of Philippine independence. It was asserted that American companies in the Philippines reaping handsome profits from free trade might apply pressure in the United States not to grant independence.

CHAPTER 8

THE FILIPINOS AND THE FUTURE POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINES

         

The first Philippine political party that was organized under the American rule is the Federal Party (Partido Federal) that was officially established with Taft’s blessings and encouragement on December 23, 1900. At the time of its organization, it consisted of the so-called Autonomists, who had endorsed the Hay Plan, proposed by the Schurmann Commission in 1899, and of former officials of the Malolos Republic.

The members of the Federal Party were the wealthy and educated Filipinos whose original platform is to express the aspiration of its founders that the Philippines will soon be admitted as one of the states of the United States. Announcements of the three of the most prominent members of Federal Party are also indicated in this chapter.

           

Next is the Nacionalista Party which independence is its main platform. However, Taft convinced the nationalists not to realize their plans as this expressed opposition to the government and that law enforcement agencies might misconstrue the peaceful intentions of the nationalists. Taft then advised the nationalists to focus on the economic development of the country. Eventually there was a fusion of Urgentistas and the Unionistas which became Union Nacionalista which in turn merged with the Partido. This new party declared that its aim was “the immediate independence of the Philippine Islands… under a democratic government” (p.141). Progresistas whose platform is immediate independence is also discussed in this chapter.

Seditious Movements

A discussion of the Filipino response to the Taft Regime's policy of the indefinite retention of the Philippines will not be completed if it excludes the segment of the Filipino endeavors to change that policy using force. These endeavors included the Guerrilla movements by remnants of General Aguinaldo's Army and conspiracies by hard core Nationalists. The Guerilla activities were basically the work of the lower classes of the Filipino society. Then again, substantial individuals from the high society were specifically included in a few conspiracies amid the early years of the Taft Regime.

           

            History hasn’t been kind to the Filipinos who rebelled as they have simply been called ladrones (bandits,magnanakaw)and opportunist-agitators masquerading as true nationalistas. Here are the movements described as seditious:

1.    Sakay and the “Filipino Republic.” Macario Sakay had been a member of the Katiounan, and of the army of the Revolutionary Governement. He tried to revive the Katipunana in Manila and was indicted under the Sedition Law.

2.    The Ricarte Movement. This developed from the attempts of Gen. Artemio Ricarte and his lieutenants to incite people to rebellion during the period 1903-1914. He was a former teacher of the KAtipunan and later became one of its leaders. Upon his refusal to take the oath of allegiance to the US, he was deported to Guam together with Mabini and other “irreconcilables.”

3.    Some other associations and movements during the Taft Regime are “Dimas-Alang” and “Makabuhay”. “Dimas-Alang” was organized by Patricio Belen in 1910 as a sort of mutual aid society among former Katipuneros, but its membership included the majority of “hard-working people”.

CHAPTER 9

CONCLUSION

The Taft Regime was the first phase of the encounter between the Philippine and American civilizations. In this confrontation, the Filipino elites (the caciques, principalias and the ilustrados) on the eve of American Regime, were the most important and single beneficiaries. American policy was outlined through their reactions.

            The Filipino reaction to the American policy was most enthusiastic, and changes in institutions were greatest in education and religion except in Muslim areas.

            The Filipinos also warmly welcomed the use of English as the language of instruction in public schools, and as a medium of communication. Religious freedom and separation of the state were also accepted and only the Roman Catholics were bitter in this aspect.

            Other areas were however faced with resistance, such as the democracy in Philippine governance, rooting to the fact that voting was only selective, as only 3% of the entire population were made eligible to vote.

            One indelible imprint left by the Taft Regime was in the field of government: a modern civil service system that was not only efficient and dedicated to public service thank anything like it in the Philippine history.

            American influence was perhaps most weak in the economic and social aspects of Philippine life, partly because of the absence of concrete American policy on these aspects, partly from the opposition of the elites, and partly from the conservatism of the people themselves, which in turn was due to their relative isolation from the main currents of change.

            Tax structure was also slightly modernized (the only achievement worth to mention) in the economic sphere.

            The Americans inaugurated their regime in the Philippines by destroying an independent republic, and until 1906, they also destroyed the overt expression of independence.

            Though the Americans didn’t officially endorse a policy of independence during the Taft Regime, they nevertheless adopted a policy of extreme conciliation. Such policy had a sobering effect on the sentiments of independence. By the end of the Taft Regime, the Filipinos desired immediate independence, and the autonomous and Filipinized government under the protection of the United States.